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1 Wehrbeauftragte
m, f Mil. defen|ce (Am. -se) commissioner (of the German Bundestag)* * *Wehr|be|auf|trag|te(r)mf decl as adjcommissioner for the armed forces* * *Wehr·be·auf·trag·te(r)f(m) dekl wie adj parliamentary commissioner for the armed forces* * * -
2 Wehrbeauftragter
Wehr|be|auf|trag|te(r)mf decl as adjcommissioner for the armed forces* * *Wehr·be·auf·trag·te(r)f(m) dekl wie adj parliamentary commissioner for the armed forces -
3 Wehrbeauftragte
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4 Wehrbeauftragter
Deutsch-Englisch Wörterbuch für Studenten > Wehrbeauftragter
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5 Alvor, Agreement of
The ill-fated Alvor Agreement was signed in Alvor, Algarve province, in January 1975. The purpose of the agreement was to facilitate the peaceful, lawful decolonization of Portugal's former colony of Angola. The conference that worked out and signed this instrument was hosted by Portugal's provisional government, and backed by the Armed Forces Movement, which had overthrown the dictatorship on 25 April 1974, and which had called for rapid decolonization of Portugal's African colonies after a truce in the colonial war. Decolonization negotiations proceeded fairly smoothly in the other African territories, but in Angola, rather than one African nationalist movement or party, three were struggling for power. They were the National Front for the Liberation of Angola (FNLA), led by Holden Roberto; the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA), led by Agostinho Neto, who had trained as a physician in Portugal; and the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA), led by Jonas Savimbi. By the Alvor Agreement, which was signed by four parties — Portugal, FNLA, MPLA, and UNITA—the decolonization process would be realized in several stages, ending in November 1975, following free elections with the three nationalist parties participating, Portugal overseeing the elections, and the new army of Angola comprised of elements of the three African parties' armies, which had fought Portuguese forces off and on since 1961. Portugal's government in Lisbon and its government and forces in Angola attempted, but failed, to put the Alvor Agreement into full effect. A civil war broke out in the spring of 1975 in Angola among the three nationalist forces, eventually with the FNLA and UNITA entering an alliance against the MPLA. No all-Angola army was ever constituted, and a power struggle among the three armed movements ensued. The MPLA won control of the Luanda region. As the Portuguese forces and commissioner withdrew, Portugal did not hand over power to any one group. On 11 November 1975, with the Alvor Agreement a dead letter and no elections having been organized, the MPLA declared the independence of Angola and the civil war continued. Angola's independent beginnings were unique in African history: the colonial power suddenly withdrew without handing over power officially to a nationalist party, but "to the people of Angola," and Angola was born as a free state embroiled in a bloody civil war that lasted until 2002. -
6 Spínola, Antônio de
(1910-1996)Senior army general, hero of Portugal's wars of African insurgency, and first president of the provisional government after the Revolution of 25 April 1974. A career army officer who became involved in politics after a long career of war service and administration overseas, Spinola had a role in the 1974 coup and revolution that was somewhat analogous to that of General Gomes da Costa in the 1926 coup.Spinola served in important posts as a volunteer in Portugal's intervention in the Spanish Civil War (1936-39), a military observer on the Russian front with the Third Reich's armed forces in World War II, and a top officer in the Guarda Nacional Republicana (GNR). His chief significance in contemporary affairs, however, came following his military assignments and tours of duty in Portugal's colonial wars in Africa after 1961.Spinola fought first in Angola and later in Guinea- Bissau, where, during 1968-73, he was both commanding general of Portugal's forces and high commissioner (administrator of the territory). His Guinean service tour was significant for at least two reasons: Spinola's dynamic influence upon a circle of younger career officers on his staff in Guinea, men who later joined together in the Armed Forces Movement (MFA), and Spinola's experience of failure in winning the Guinea war militarily or finding a political means for compromise or negotiation with the Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde (PAIGC), the African insurgent movement that had fought a war with Portugal since 1963, largely in the forested tropical interior of the territory. Spinola became discouraged after failure to win permission to negotiate secretly for a political solution to the war with the PAIGC and was reprimanded by Prime Minister Marcello Caetano.After his return—not in triumph—from Guinea in 1973, Spinola was appointed chief of staff of the armed forces, but he resigned in a dispute with the government. With the assistance of younger officers who also had African experience of costly but seemingly endless war, Spinola wrote a book, Portugal and the Future, which was published in February 1974, despite official censorship and red tape. Next to the Bible and editions of Luís de Camoes's The Lusi- ads, Spinola's controversial book was briefly the best-selling work in Portugal's modern age. While not intimately involved with the budding conspiracy among career army majors, captains, and others, Spinola was prepared to head such a movement, and the planners depended on his famous name and position as senior army officer with the right credentials to win over both military and civil opinion when and where it counted.When the Revolution of 25 April 1974 succeeded, Spinola was named head of the Junta of National Salvation and eventually provisional president of Portugal. Among the military revolutionaries, though, there was wide disagreement about the precise goals of the revolution and how to achieve them. Spinola's path-breaking book had subtly proposed three new goals: the democratization of authoritarian Portugal, a political solution to the African colonial wars, and liberalization of the economic system. The MFA immediately proclaimed, not coincidentally, the same goals, but without specifying the means to attain them.The officers who ran the newly emerging system fell out with Spinola over many issues, but especially over how to decolonize Portugal's besieged empire. Spinola proposed a gradualist policy that featured a free referendum by all colonial voters to decide between a loose federation with Portugal or complete independence. MFA leaders wanted more or less immediate decolonization, a transfer of power to leading African movements, and a pullout of Portugal's nearly 200,000 troops in three colonies. After a series of crises and arguments, Spinola resigned as president in September 1974. He conspired for a conservative coup to oust the leftists in power, but the effort failed in March 1975, and Spinola was forced to flee to Spain and then to Brazil. Some years later, he returned to Portugal, lived in quiet retirement, and could be seen enjoying horseback riding. In the early 1980s, he was promoted to the rank of marshal, in retirement. -
7 Carvalho, Otelo Saraiva de
(1934-)Army major who planned and managed the military operational aspects of the military coup that overthrew the Estado Novo. A career army officer who entered his profession in the 1950s, he held important positions in several of the colonial wars in Portugal's African territories during 1961-74. Saraiva de Carvalho was born in Mozambique in 1934, and made it his life's ambition to become a stage actor. In his career, he was influenced by service with Portugal's most senior army officer, General Antônio de Spínola, who served the Estado Novo both as commissioner and commanding general of armed forces in the colony of Guinea- Bissau. Contact with African nationalist elements, as well as familiarity with increasi ngly available Marxist-Leninist literature both in Africa and in Portugal, transformed Saraiva de Carvalho into a maverick and revolutionary who sought to overthrow the Portuguese dictatorship at home by means of military intervention in politics through the Revolution of 25 April 1974.Known as "Otelo" (Othello) in the media and to much of the Portuguese public, Saraiva de Carvalho played a significant role in the period of 25 April 1974-25 November 1975, when the country experienced a leftist revolution and a trend toward a dictatorship of the Left. Eventually the head of COPCON, the Armed Forces Movement's special unit for enforcing "law and order" and for ensuring that the government was not overthrown by military insur-rectionism, Saraiva de Carvalho became a political personality in his own right. This somberly handsome figure became the darling of the radical Left, including anarchist factions.With the swing of the political pendulum away from the radical Left after the abortive leftist coup of 25 November 1975, Carvalho's military career was ended and his role in politics shifted. He was dismissed from the COPCON command, arrested, and held in prison for a period. After his release, he entered the political wilderness, unhappy that the unorthodox Marxist-Leninist revolution he envisioned for Portugal, was not happening. Still carrying the torch for the notion of a "Socialist paradise" in which the state would play only a small role, the hero of the Revolution of 25 April 1974 reentered politics and ran for president of the republic on two occasions. In 1976, he received a respectable 16 percent of the vote, but in the 1981 elections his vote was negligible. Accused of involvement in several terrorist factions' conspiracies and violence, Carvalho was arrested and imprisoned. After a long and sensational trial, "Otelo" was released and acquitted. Of all the memoirs of the 1974 Revolution, Alvorada em Abril (Reveille in April), his contribution, was the most charming and revealing.Historical dictionary of Portugal > Carvalho, Otelo Saraiva de
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